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俞敏洪励志演讲稿
《挣脱生命的束缚》
其实人的一辈子都有某些东西束缚着我们，不管是贫困生活还是社会地位，不管是传统习俗还是法律条文。生命的抗争就是在束缚中跳出美丽舞蹈的过程。没有束缚的生命反而显得轻浮而没有分量，生命的束缚和挣脱束缚的努力，使我们生命变得厚重而美丽。
每个人都渴望生命能够像海水一样没有障碍地奔腾流动，和蓝天相接；每个人都渴望生命像风一样从天空自由自在地飘过，除了带走白云，没有一丝牵挂。没有人希望自己的生命受到束缚，就像没有任何动物愿意被关在笼子里一样。人的一生都是为了挣脱某种束缚而努力的过程，这一过程使生命变得丰富多彩，充满机遇，咀嚼失败，品味成功。
人一旦有了自觉意识之后的第一件事情就是和束缚抗争。从十一、二岁开始，青少年一般都会有几年很强烈的反叛期，这一时期的青少年，常常不管父母或老师说得对不对都和他们对着干。这一现象正是生命想要挣脱束缚的具体表现。可以说青少年对于父母的第一次抗争，就拉开了一辈子和各种各样的束缚进行斗争的序幕。动物通过角斗来宣示自己的力量，确定自己在群体中的地位；人类通过智慧和耐心来证明自己的能力，最终摆脱社会的束缚进入自由状态，尽管这一自由状态有可能只是一种虚幻，但争取进入这一状态的奋斗过程正好赋予了生命很丰富的意义。
一个人与其说是为了理想而努力，还不如说是为了摆脱某种束缚而努力。如果我们出生在贫苦家庭，我们可能所有的努力只有一个目的，就是为了摆脱贫困。因为贫困给我们带来了太多的束缚，在贫困中生命得不到张扬，也得不到尊重。所以在贫困中的人常常更加能够自强不息，因为他的背后有足够的动力：想要像城里人一样过上好日子（尽管城里人日子不一定好过），想要像城里人一样吃得更多，走得更远。这些最朴素的理想恰恰变成了最有持久力的拼命。
当人们脱离贫困之后，马上就会为了争取自己的社会地位而努力，因为社会地位的高低直接和一个人的尊严有关。一个人如果社会地位低下，就像一群狼中的尾狼一样，永远只能吃最后一口肉，永远得不到最好的机会，甚至得不到母狼的青睐。社会地位低下这一可悲的状态足以鼓动任何男人和女人用尽一切力量和办法来摆脱卑微。社会地位的低下是一种非常现实的痛苦，当那些来自社会底层的大学生看到有家庭背景的同学总有人前呼后拥，被女孩子前堵后追的时候，不管有多大的心肺都会胸口发闷。在这种感觉下，懂得社会地位不可一蹴而就的人会用持续耐心的努力来争取社会地位的改善（有时候这是一辈子的努力），而没有耐心的人就会采取危险行动，通过逢迎拍马、坑蒙拐骗来达到目的。面对社会地位，有虚荣心和贪婪心的人尤其危险，虚荣的人容易为了面子而断送幸福，而贪婪的人极有可能为了地位而断送生命，因为地位和金钱一样，没有任何满意的衡量标准，只能用内心去感受，一个面对地位和权力的诱惑不知道适可而止的人，极容易进入危险之地。但不管怎样，大多数人一辈子的奋斗过程，就是为了提高自身社会地位的过程。
当有了一定的社会地位之后，人们就开始要求精神的解放、心灵的自由，希望摆脱社会对于自己心灵和精神的限制，这是更高层面的生命抗争（当然有些伟人可以跃过贫困和社会地位的障碍直接进入追求精神解放的境界）。人生而平等这句话表达的不仅仅是一个社会地位问题，也是一个精神自由问题，民主诉求的实质是摆脱思想束缚，获得精神平等。当我们发现现实世界的很多束缚不可挣脱时，我们希望自己的心灵得到解放，而这一挣脱心灵中各种束缚的过程正是伟大文学和哲学思想产生的过程。人们进行文学和哲学思考的主要目的就是为了解放自己的情感，同时获得通向幸福和自由的路径。
如果说一般人的生命奋斗过程就足以令人感动，那另外一种人的成功更加震撼人心，那就是摆脱了身体残疾的束缚而创造出奇迹的人，因为他们常常做到了连正常人都做不到的事情。海伦凯勒从小失聪失明，但最后写出了令人颤抖的美丽文字；贝多芬在失聪之后谱写了第九交响曲，霍金坐在轮椅上通过手指的动作写出了《时间简史》，司马迁在遭受宫刑之后完成了《史记》；这些人的伟大成就没有一个不是在摆脱了身体残疾的束缚之后，放飞了自己强大的精神力量。还有在中国那些聋哑女孩跳出的千手观音，每一个动作都牵动着人们对于美丽的神经。我曾经碰上一个叫左力的浙江学生，从小耳朵就完全听不见了，到今天为止这个世界对他来说依然是一片寂静，但他却通过自己的努力一直读到了大学，而且一直都是好学生，他能够通过阅读老师的嘴唇知道老师在讲什么，他写出来的文字流畅通顺，思想丰富；现在他还准备到国外最好的大学去读书，从唇读中文转向唇读英文。我们拥有美好听力的人都没有把英文听懂学好，面对左力这样的学生，我们除了努力，还有什么好抱怨的呢？
我把左力这样的人称作是带着束缚跳出了最美丽舞蹈的人。其实人的一辈子都有某些东西束缚着我们，不管是贫困生活还是社会地位，不管是传统习俗还是法律条文。生命的抗争就是在束缚中跳出美丽舞蹈的过程。没有束缚的生命反而显得轻浮而没有分量，生命的束缚和挣脱束缚的努力，使我们生命变得厚重而美丽。我在学习单板滑雪时对于这一点体会尤其深刻，单板滑雪必须把两个脚牢牢地固定在板上，因此在光滑的雪地上你只要站起来就会摔下去，在你和滑雪板进行抗争的过程中，你会摔得鼻青眼肿，但只要坚持下去，你会慢慢发现，单板好像慢慢融化成了你身体的一部分，已经在你脚下运用自如；借助单板，你已经可以翻滚腾挪，飞驰向前，为生命留下一连串的潇洒和美丽。
精彩英语励志演讲稿
《Winston Churchill's Iron Curtain Speech》
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, （the Iron Curtain Speech）， at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, “The Sinews of Peace”.
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
美国第一夫人米歇尔北大演讲
美国第一夫人米歇尔今日上午到北大演讲，以下为演讲全文：
我今天来到这里，是因为我知道，我们的未来，取决于全世界像你们这样的年轻人之间的联系。
这也是为什么我们夫妇在国外访问时，不只参观宫殿和会晤国家元首。我们也来到学校，与像你们一样的学生见面。
因为我们相信，国与国之间的关系不只是政府或领导人之间的关系，它们是人民间—特别是年轻人之间的关系。
因此，我们认为海外留学项目不只是为学生提供的教育机会，还是美国外交政策至关重要的组成部分。
“读万卷书，不如行万里路”
你们看，通过现代技术奇迹，我们的世界比以往任何时候都更多地联系在一起。
思想可以通过点击按钮跨越海洋。全球各地的公司可以进行业务往来和相互竟争。我们可以与各大洲的人们通过短信、电子邮件和Skype进行沟通。
因此，出国留学不只是以开心的方式度过一个学期—它正迅速成为全球化经济中取得成功的关键。
因为要走在当今职场的前沿，只在学校里取得好成绩是不够的，还应拥有国境外的真实体验：对完全不同的语言、文化和社会的体验。
正如中国的一句古话所说：读万卷书，不如行万里路。
我想要说的是，出国留学绝不仅是改善你们自己的未来，它也关乎塑造你们的国家、关乎我们共有的世界的未来。
因为我们这个时代的决定性挑战一一无论是气侯变化、经济机遇，还是核武器扩散一一这些都是我们共同的挑战。
没有任何一个国家能够单独应对它们……唯一的出路就是共同携手。
“共同携手”
这就是为什么年轻人到彼此国家学习和生活是如此重要。因为这是你们培养合作习惯的途径一一你们通过融入不同的文化，通过了解彼此的故事，通过跨越常常隔膜我们的成见和误解，来做到这一点。
这是你们了解到我们共享多少东西的途径。这是你们认识到我们的成功惠及彼此的途径。在北京发现的治序方法可以挽救在美国的生命，来自加州硅谷的清洁能源技术可以改善中国的环境，西安一座古老寺庙的架构可激发达拉斯或者底特律新建筑设计的灵感。
这是你们与同学、实验伙伴建立起的联系能带来更多收获的时候。阿比盖尔柯普林成为北京大学美国富布赖特学者的时候，她与同事们在首屈一指的科学杂志上共同发表论文，建立研究伙伴关系，这段关系在他们各自回国后还长久持续着。
来自北京大学的牛可教授是去年的美国富布赖特学者。我引述下他的话，“最难忘的经历是和我的美国朋友们在一起。”
这些长久的纽带代表留学的真正价值，我很兴奋，越来越多的学生正得到这样的机会。
米歇尔现身说法谈留学
中国目前是美国人留学的第五大热门目的地。今天的美国，来自中国的交换生数量最多。
尽管如此，太多的学生从来没有这样的机会，而一些有机会的学生则犹豫是否要抓住它。
他们可能觉得留学只是有钱的学生或来自某类大学的学生的事。或者，他们可能心里想，“嗯，这听起来很有趣，但它在我的生活中真正有多大用处？”
我理解这些年轻人，因为我在上大学时也有同样的感受。你们知道，我来自一个工薪阶层家庭，我甚至从来没想过留学。我的父母没有上过大学，我将精力集中在进入大学并获得学位，这样我就可以得到一份工作并养活自己。
对于很多像我一样靠奋斗才能读得起一个常规学期的年轻人来说，支付世界另一边的机票或生活费实在是不可能的。这是不可接受的，因为留学不应仅属于有一些背景的学生。
我们希望在所有种族和社会经济背景的人之间建立联系，因为正是这样的多样性让我们的国家如此充满活力和强大……我们的海外留学项目应向世界反映美国的真正精神。
这就是为什么在2009年我的丈夫访问中国时，宣布了我们的100，000项倡议，该倡议旨在增加留学中国的美国学生的数量和多样性。而今年，在我们纪念中美两国关系正常化三十五周年之际……美国政府实际上支持更多的美国学生在中国学习。
我们正将高中生、大学生和研究生送到这里来学习中文，我们正邀请中国老师到美国的高校教授普通话，我们为希望留学美国的中国学生提供免费的在线咨询。美中富布赖特项目仍在加强，现有3000多名学友。
私人部门也在加紧工作。例如，美国黑石公司的主管斯蒂夫施瓦茨曼正在资助清华大学模仿罗德奖学全（Rhode、Scholarship）的一个新项目。
“你不需要登上飞机才能成为公民外交官”
今天，来自不同背景的学生正在中国学习。以来自俄亥俄州克利夫兰的罗亚尔为例，她参加了纽约大学在上海的项目。像我一样，罗亚尔是家里的第一代大学生。她母亲做两份全职工作，而她父亲晚上工作以维持他们的家庭。谈到她在上海的经历时，她说：“这座城市充满韧性，它激励我完成所有我能做的事。”
还有来自华盛顿大学的腓力门海尔，他还是孩子的时候，他的家人作为厄立特里亚难民来到了美国。谈到他在中国学习的经历时，他说：“在我们进入公民外交的新时代之际，留学是人民间交流的一种强大工具。”
“一个公民外交的新时代”一一我想不出比这更好的说法了，因为这正是我正在谈的，那就是普通公民走向世界。
正如我经常对美国年轻认说的那样，你不需要登上飞机才能成为公民外交官。
我告诉他们，如果你在家里、学校或者图书馆能上网，只要几秒钟，你就可以被带到世界任何地方，遇见来自每个大陆的人。
这就是为什么我每天都要发一篇旅行博文，里面有我这次中国之行的视频和照片—因为我希望美国的年轻人能成为这次访问的一部分。
这确实是技术的力量—它打开整个世界，让我们接触到以前根本难以想象的思想和创新。这也是为什么信息和思想在互联网上、并通过媒体自由流动是如此重要。
因为那是我们发现真理的途径，那使我们得以了解我们的社群、我们的国家和我们的世界到底在发生着什么。
那也是我们何以决定哪些价值观和思想是最好的—通过有力地对它们提出疑问，进行辩论，倾听各方观点，并做出自己的判断。
相信我，我知道这是一个令人困惑而沮丧的过程。有大量来自我们媒体和公民的质疑和批评，而我丈夫和我位于接收端。这并非易事，但我们认为它的重要无可取代。
因为我们一次又一次地看到，当所有公民的声音和观点都能得到倾听之时，国家会变得更加强大和繁荣。
正像我的丈夫曾说过的，我们尊重其他文化和社会的独特性。然而，就自由的表达自我、选择自己所崇拜的东西，以及享有信息公开而言—我们相信那是地球上每个人与生俱来的权利。
“美国面孔”，“中国面孔”
我们相信，所有人都应享有实现自己最大潜能的机会，正如我在美国所能做到的那样。（www.lzdaxue.com）同时，当你在中国这里以及在美国了解新的文化、结交新的朋友之时，你整个人就是那些价值观的鲜活代表。
所以我保证，通过出国留学，你们不仅在改变自己的人生，也在改变你所遇到的每个人的人生。
正像伟大的美国总统约翰肯尼迪谈到留学美国的外国学生时说的那样，“我想他们所教的比他们学到的还要多。”而对出国学习的年径美国人来说也是一样的。
对世界而言，你们所有人都是最好的美国面孔，和最好的中国面孔。每一天，你们都在向世界展示你们国家的能量、创造力、乐观，以及对未来坚定不移的信念。每一天，你们都在提醒我们，通过跨越国界，学会在彼此身上看到我们自己，和用共同的决心应对我们共同的挑战。
所以，我希望你们都会不断寻求这样的经历。我希望你们能继续受益于彼此，互相学习，同时建立起友谊的纽带，而这些纽带能在未来数十年丰富你们的生活，也丰富我们的世界。
你们大家都有这么多可以给予世界，我热切期待着你们未来的成就。
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